GOOD

Explore China’s Future In 5 Subway Stops

This experimental megacity rose out of farmland in 1979. A few decades and 20 million residents later, is Shenzhen a success?

Shenzhen rose out of farmland and fishing enclaves in 1979, the first of China’s self-designated “special economic zones” designed to catapult an isolated nation into the 20th century. A proving ground for China’s grand experiment in market capitalism and its first city to allow foreign investment, Shenzhen became the nucleus of the country’s almighty manufacturing sector.

GOOD sent me to track the city’s remarkable growth back in 2008. Now, with the emergence of a middle class and government efforts to kickstart an innovation economy, the city is once again a bellwether for China’s lofty ambitions. But the past and present are colliding, a housing crisis is brewing, developers are pushing subway lines into once-remote villages, and Shenzhen is searching for a new identity.

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Caste Off

One day in 2007, a stranger came to JJ Nagar village in South India’s Tamil Nadu state, promising girls from the village a chance to change...

One day in 2007, a stranger came to JJ Nagar village in South India’s Tamil Nadu state, promising girls from the village a chance to change their lives. The man went from house to house offering to sign up any girl over 14 to a three-year term in a yarn factory. At the end of the period, the young women would earn bonuses of $800 (about a year’s salary), an almost unimaginable sum for a girl from JJ Nagar. The village is a six-hour drive from Coimbatore, the state’s second-largest city, but the prosperity of the new India and its almost double-digit growth rate hasn’t arrived here.

So when the agent came by Sivagami’s house, she and her friend Sathya made a snap decision to go. Sivagami was just 14, Sathya was 18, and they knew their parents would disapprove. “She just left without really discussing it with us,” her mother recalls. “She and Sathya both took off.” (Like many Indians, Sivagami has no last name.) For two days, no one in the village could locate the girls.

As it turns out, they were just about 12 kilometers away at a company called Saravana Polythreads. “Her father and I went and visited her,” her mother says. “She told us she didn’t want to study anymore, she wanted to work in the factory.”

JJ Nagar sits in the shadow of the stunning Western Ghats mountains, surrounded by coconut trees and lush rice paddies. No one in the village owns any of the surrounding fields, though. The best that most of the residents can hope for is a job picking crops, as both of Sivagami’s parents do. When there is work, they can earn the equivalent of $2.40 per day. The worst-case scenario is life as a manual scavenger, cleaning the latrines of members of the higher castes. People in JJ Nagar don’t have high expectations. They are members of the Arunthathiyar community, considered outcasts among outcasts.

The Hindu caste system is deeply codified. The Rigveda, a text that dates to between 1100 and 1700 B.C., establishes the varnas, a social order that explains that the four major caste groups are the sum of the parts of a man named Purusha, who sacrificed his body to create humanity. The Brahmans, the priests, were grafted from his head; Kshatriyas (kings, rulers, and warriors) from his hands; and the Vaishyas (traders and farmers) from his thighs. The Shudras, artisans and laborers, are banned from hearing certain religious texts. They are believed to have come from Purusha’s feet. Below the Shudras are Dalit communities like the Arunthathiyar, who don’t belong to any of the four varnas. In Mahatma Gandhi’s day, they were called untouchables. Gandhi attempted to popularize the term “children of god.”

These days, they are commonly called Dalits, which roughly translates from Hindi as “the broken people.” The Arunthathiyar are just one of many Dalit communities in India. Dalits are traditionally expected to perform unsavory tasks like disposing of dead bodies and cleaning bathrooms. Most live in abject poverty. The Musahar community of Bihar in Northern India, for example, has gained notoriety for eating rats to survive.

Dalits and tribals, a blanket term for indigenous people who live outside of mainstream Indian society and traditionally don’t practice Hinduism, comprise about a quarter of India’s almost 1.2 billion people. After India’s independence from England in 1947 and Gandhi’s subsequent movement for greater equality, they were granted reservations, spots in universities, and set-asides in employment in an attempt to correct historic discrimination. The practice is similar to affirmative action in the United States.

Despite the progress India has made, the legacy of caste remains its most intractable problem. Those at the bottom of the caste structure “are denied access to land, clean water, and education, left out by the recent modernization process and surge in economic growth, forced to work in degrading conditions, and routinely abused at the hands of the police and higher caste groups,” according to a recent statement from the organization Human Rights Watch.

In Tamil Nadu, a state that is perhaps India’s most economically forward—a leader in exports of cars, clothing, and electronics—there is also a way out. Dalits and other lower-caste communities of Sivagami’s generation form the core of the manufacturing labor force. In the state’s special economic zones, this has led to a burgeoning labor movement that has pushed back against multinational companies, like Foxconn and Nokia, that have a presence there. But for the most marginalized communities, who frequently work in the garment industry, exploitation is still too common.

For Sivagami, trading a life in the fields for a job in a factory should have been considered progress. In some ways it was. Sivagami made friends—girls from all over Tamil Nadu. For meals, they were mostly served idlis (rice and lentil dumplings) and dosas (long, thin crepes made from the same batter), two low-cost South Indian vegetarian staples. While it was the first time in Sivagami’s life she’d had three squares a day, the diet didn’t provide enough protein to keep pace with the workload.

Sivagami, now 19, is slight and shy. It’s early November 2011 when we meet in the hard-packed mud yard of the small brick-and-thatch home she shares with her family. She is dressed in a pink salwar kameez, the traditional tunic-and-pants set. She seems resigned.

The routine at Saravana Polythreads was grueling. Despite the state of Tamil Nadu mandating eight-hour workdays, there were just two shifts at the factory: a day shift from 8 a.m. to 8 p.m. and a night shift from 8 p.m. to 8 a.m. Sivagami was placed on the day shift. Most of the time, she was tasked with spinning yarn onto a big paper coil. Sometimes, for a change of pace, she got to clean out the machinery. Sundays were her only day off. Lunch and dinner breaks were just 30 minutes long. The doors of the dormitory where they slept were locked from the outside at night. “When I felt tired, sometimes they would send me to my room,” Sivagami says. But “if you left the shift early to go back to your room they deducted money from the day’s wage.”

Life at the factory grew progressively worse. The girls were hired under a program called the sumangali scheme. In Tamil, the word sumangali refers to a single girl becoming a respectable woman through marriage. Agents peddle the scheme by dangling a payout large enough to cover a girl’s dowry or to buy enough gold to wear at her marriage. In September 2010, the Dutch newspaper de Volkskrant reported that girls were essentially locked in factories and working as bonded laborers. For clothing companies doing business in the garment clusters of Western Tamil Nadu, the fallout was massive. H&M canceled several contracts with local factories in response to the story.

Sivagami’s friend Sathya reached her limit halfway through their term. “It was really hard,” says Sathya, now 23. “I had to stand up 12 hours a day. I felt tired, my eyes were hurting, and my legs were hurting, so I left.”

One day in August 2010, Sivagami was cleaning fabric waste out of a machine. Unbeknownst to her, a coworker was still operating it. Her arm got caught and locked in the machine’s belt. “It took about an hour to take my arm out because they didn’t realize how to unwind the belt,” Sivagami says. She shattered her forearm, elbow bone, and part of her hand. She was in a cast for a month. A scar runs the length of her forearm.

The factory’s managers paid Sivagami’s medical bills, but the accident further complicated her relationship with her parents. “We’re not happy because she went to the factory instead of studying and now she injured her arm,” her mother says. Though Sivagami came back to work after six weeks, she had a lot of time to make up. Due to the injury and her frequent bouts of exhaustion, the factory informed her that if she hoped to receive her bonus, she’d have to work an extra year.

After four years at Saravana, Sivagami finally concluded her service on October 26. She received her payout, but the company neglected to put any money into her provident fund, the Indian government retirement plan for which they deducted money from every check. Sivagami says that the factory has made some small changes since her injury. “They used to have female workers taking out the waste without turning off the machine,” she says. “And now they are turning off the machine and they have the male workers to do the job.”

She is thinking about getting married and excited about the prospect of returning to work. “I want to go to a similar job but with modern machinery,” she says. “I am experienced.”

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This Is A Turn Off

The GOOD Guide to Reducing Your Water Use: We use more water than we need. Here's how to reduce your water footprint to fewer than 75 gallons.

We use more water than we need. Here's how to reduce your water footprint to fewer than 75 gallons per day. Read the introduction below or jump straight to sections on using less water in the bathroom, outdoors, and in the kitchen.

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Good Guide to Reducing Your Water Use, Part 3: Kitchen

3A: Do's and Don'ts for Kitchen-Water ConservationSome basic guidelines to live and wash by.Compared to bathrooms and your garden,...

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The New China

Shenzhen, once a sleepy fishing village, is now a teeming city of skyscrapers. Will this model of modern China be a lesson in getting too big too fast?

On the outskirts of Shenzhen, up a small mountain and around a bend, is a Buddhist temple. At first glance, it looks like any other Buddhist temple-vibrant yellows and reds, wreaths of flowers celebrating the Chinese New Year, devotees with incense in hand, waiting to offer prayers to the temple's 12 different Buddhas. Even the on-site restaurant, in keeping with Buddhist tradition, is vegetarian. But lining the ground floor of the orange pagoda are gift shops (several of them) and illegal minibus drivers perch just outside, ready to ferry tired worshippers back down the hill to the city for a few cents a head.It's the last few days of the Chinese Spring Festival, and under the bright sun, the ornate pavilion looks lost in time. The whole complex could date from the beginning of the last century-ancient in Shenzhen. Except it doesn't. It was built in 1990, which makes the 102-year-old head priest 84 years older than the temple he cares for."There are no old buildings in Shenzhen," explains a worshipper with a laugh.In a city built on expectations and the promise of a new China, the temple is an oddity-a building made to look old. Here, gleaming skyscrapers are prized, shooting up into the sky with improbable speed to accommodate the hundreds of Chinese who show up every day to find work. And from an observation deck on the 68th floor of Shenzhen's tallest skyscraper, one can track the city's three-decade rise through its rapidly shifting architecture: dull concrete apartment blocks with oppressive metal window bars (early 1980s), low-rises covered in bathroom tiles (mid-1980s), Pepto-Bismol-pink silos (early to mid-1990s), Hong Kong meets Miami pastel (early 2000s), and large, curved-glass showpieces (post-2004). In all directions, cranes shift materials to brand-name condos and business towers designed by superstar architects. Nearby, a high-rise looms 40 stories in the air. It looks about a year old, but if you look closely, the brick is already starting to discolor. Beside that, a structure has been razed.In 1979, Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping chose a sleepy Pearl River Delta fishing village about 20 miles from Hong Kong to be a "special economic zone," a testing ground for China's experiments in capitalism. In the nearly 30 years since, Shenzhen has exceeded all expectations. It has exploded from a population of 70,000 to at least 10 million. It has also become a high-tech business destination with a massive container port-the fourth largest in the world-and a stock exchange surpassed in China only by those in Hong Kong and Shanghai. But listen closely in the city's markets and one can hear migrants from Sichuan and Hunan worrying that their jobs won't cover their big-city rent; cabbies stopped at red lights discuss the feasibility of striking for better pay. Like any big city that promises a better life, challenges here abound.

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