Elizabeth Benassi was 18 years old, three months into her first professional job, and trying hard not to stand out. She had even quietly asked her manager not to mention her age to coworkers, worried they’d write her off as the kid of the group.

The manager told them anyway, at a bowling alley team-building night.

That detail didn’t make it into the headline-grabbing part of Benassi’s story, but it sets the scene for everything that followed. Benassi had joined Maximus UK Services in August 2022, a firm that works with the UK’s Department for Work and Pensions to help people back into employment. Her colleagues were mostly in their early twenties. She was the youngest by a noticeable margin, and she felt it.

Office, workers, open office
Employees working in open office. Photo credit: Canva

Then came the trainers incident. One morning, Benassi wore athletic shoes to the office, unaware the company had a dress code against them. Her manager, Ishrat Ashraf, called her out on it immediately. Benassi apologized. But as she looked around the room, she noticed something: other colleagues were wearing the same style of shoes. No one had said a word to them.

She sent Ashraf a measured email. “This morning you mentioned that I am not allowed to wear trainers to work,” she wrote, as reported by The Metro. “Despite not being aware of this, as I have never worn trainers to work before, I apologized for this, and you rolled your eyes. I have now realized that I am not the only one wearing trainers today, and I have not seen anyone receive the same chat that I have.”

The email made things worse. Ashraf escalated it to the operations manager, who emailed Benassi to say her footwear was “totally unacceptable.” A month later, she was called into a probationary review meeting and dismissed. The company cited her performance, conduct, attendance, timekeeping, and the dress code violation. Benassi pushed back, filing a legal case for victimisation and age-related harassment.

@andyyjiang

i bet they regret this now 🤦‍♂️ ♬ original sound – Andy Jiang

The case was heard at an employment tribunal in Croydon, south London. The tribunal dismissed the age harassment claim, but it upheld the victimisation finding, and the picture it painted of Benassi’s time at the company was pointed. Employment Judge Forwell noted that no allowance had been made for the fact that she was new and might not have known about the dress code, and concluded the treatment showed “a desire to find fault” with her from the start. As HR Magazine reported, the judge observed that Benassi was “literally being scrutinised from the moment of her arrival.”

The company’s explanation for why other employees weren’t pulled up over their trainers, that one colleague had a sore foot, was also rejected. The judge noted that if that were true, Ashraf would have mentioned it at the time.

Benassi was awarded £29,187 in compensation (around $37,800 in US dollars). In her testimony, she described what she had been trying to avoid all along. “I didn’t want to be treated differently, or as I had put it, ‘as the baby of the group,’” she told the tribunal. The ruling suggests that’s exactly how she was treated anyway.

This article originally appeared earlier this year.

  • Foreign aid’s hidden benefit: Recipients are more likely to pay the generosity forward
    Photo credit: Kim Hong-Ji/Getty ImagesSouth Korean soldiers oversee the arrival of a batch of Johnson & Johnson’s Janssen COVID-19 vaccines donated by the U.S. government on June 5, 2021.

    Foreign aid may not improve how recipients view donor countries – but it can set off a chain of goodwill that spreads far beyond the original act of giving.

    That is what a colleague and I found when we studied how South Koreans responded to COVID-19 vaccines donated by the United States.

    The South Korean government reserved donated Johnson & Johnson vaccines for military reservists and, for medical reasons, excluded anyone under 30. As a result, we could compare the views of South Koreans just above and below that threshold.

    We found that the donated vaccines did not improve people’s views of the United States. South Koreans who received American vaccines reported similar views of the U.S. as those who had not been vaccinated.

    Yet the results were striking in another way. Those who received donated American vaccines became more supportive of their own government sending aid abroad. Recipients shifted from neutrality on the matter to expressing moderate support for foreign aid, scoring about one point higher on a seven-point scale than those who didn’t make the eligibility cutoff.

    There is also evidence that these effects extend beyond direct recipients. South Koreans who were simply told that the U.S. was providing vaccine aid to developing countries also became more supportive of their own government doing the same – though this effect was concentrated among political moderates.

    Together, these patterns point to what social scientists call “generalized reciprocity” – the impulse not to repay kindness directly but to pass it on. In this way, one act of aid can prompt another, and spread across borders.

    Why it matters

    From Washington and London to Berlin and Tokyo, foreign aid budgets have been cut. In November 2020, former U.S. Agency for International Development Administrator Samantha Power invoked a common assumption when she argued that providing vaccines abroad would restore American leadership – that the value of aid lies in the goodwill it generates toward the donor.

    Our findings suggest this is one way aid can matter, but not necessarily the most important.

    Instead, aid may foster a form of international cooperation that does not depend on treaties or direct reciprocity between nations but emerges from ordinary people’s willingness to pass on goodwill.

    A nurse administers a vaccine shot to an elderly lady.
    A South Korean woman receives a COVID-19 vaccine on April 1, 2021. Chung Sung-Jun/Getty Images

    If aid can trigger chains of giving across borders, then how we assess its value may need to change. Current frameworks tend to emphasize donor nations’ direct returns or strategic benefits, but the cooperative effects we identify are largely invisible to those metrics.

    This suggests that current cuts may be shutting down effects that policymakers have not yet learned to measure – a form of international cooperation that, once set in motion, can generate cascading effects well beyond what any single donor nation could achieve alone.

    What we don’t know

    Important questions remain: Do similar patterns emerge with other forms of aid – such as disaster relief, food assistance or long-term development programs? And how long do these effects last?

    There are also hints that the threshold for triggering this response may be lower than previously thought. The effect persisted even when using eligibility for donated vaccines, rather than actual receipt, as the measure – suggesting proximity to aid, not just receipt, may be enough to activate the impulse to give.

    If evidence that past recipients of aid have themselves become donors strengthens public support for giving in donor countries, then aid may be more self-sustaining than critics assume – reinforced not just by its immediate effects, but by the example it sets.

    This article originally appeared on The Conversation. You can read it here.

  • This elementary school banned screens in the middle of the year. Will it solve their reading crisis?
    Various books for middle graders.

    Lily Altavena for Chalkbeat

    Chromebooks are scattered all around the classrooms of Floyd M. Jewett Elementary School in Mesick, Michigan.

    Towers of them are teetering atop bookshelves. They’re piled up in corners of classrooms. They’ve even cropped up in one classroom’s dish rack.

    But there’s one place you won’t find them: in students’ hands.

    Last month, Mesick Consolidated Schools banned digital devices in its elementary school of about 250 students. The decision wasn’t an agonizing one. The ban came at astonishing speed, almost overnight, after a conversation between Mesick Superintendent Jack Ledford and Jewett Principal Elizabeth Kastl.

    Ledford recalled asking Kastl how much teachers read to students in grades K-5. And he recalled her reply: “That has almost vanished.” Kastl’s response helped seal the deal.

    Teachers had to have students off devices by the end of the week. School printers went into overdrive. Then the district went cold turkey, Chalkbeat reports.

    Mesick’s midyear ban underscores a growing backlash against screen time in school, a battle that parents and educators are taking up nationwide. Fears about digital devices’ impact on learning have fused with ongoing concerns about a multiyear decline in national test scores that predates the pandemic. A stream of government hearings, op-eds, and social media posts has only magnified the sense of urgency.

    Ledford and Kastl think the need for drastic action is warranted. About 18% of Jewett’s third graders scored proficient or higher on the state reading test last spring — half the state average and half what it was a decade ago.

    In Mesick, a rural town known for its annual mushroom festival, 66% of students are economically disadvantaged. The district has done all the “normal things” to improve persistently low reading scores, Ledford said, like switching to an evidence-based curriculum. But he now views screens as an adversary to learning.

    “When we’re competing with screens, we’re going to lose,” he said.

    But blanket bans at school won’t affect kids’ screen time at home. And research about how screens affect students is inconclusive, although it does suggest that teachers should exercise caution. Not everyone is convinced that a complete prohibition on screens is the best way to help struggling learners.

    Morgan Polikoff, a professor at the University of Southern California’s education school, said he understands the appeal of an all-or-nothing approach, but it avoids the reality that some technology does have a place in the classroom.

    “It’s like taking a hammer when you need a scalpel,” he said. “A lot of the use of technology in schools is not appropriate. But rather than sitting down and thinking about, ‘What are appropriate uses of technology in classrooms serving young children,’ this approach would just obliterate all uses.”

    Lawmakers in at least 16 states have proposed bills that would limit education technology in public schools, following a spate of state-approved cellphone bans for schools.

    Ledford said he’s been influenced by writers like Jonathan Haidt, a New York University psychologist who is a prominent supporter of school cellphone restrictions and has more recently criticized the proliferation of tech in education. At the same time, a mid-March visit to Mesick’s classrooms shows the ed-tech backlash can be somewhat divorced from the reality of a school day.

    For some at Jewett, the school day doesn’t feel that different. A few teachers said they hadn’t used screens very much. For others, the routine has changed substantially — and for the better, they believe, with students more engaged and learning less “gamified.”

    When asked about her school’s screen ban, a girl wearing a “Lilo & Stitch” shirt in an intervention class for struggling readers just growls. But her intervention instructor, Julie Kearns, said the students are simply adjusting.

    The student “definitely seems like she enjoys” reading a book more than wearing headphones and peering at a screen, Kearns said.

    As Kearns watched, the girl bounced in her chair while reading a passage about soccer.

    Why a school banished screens and bought books

    In classrooms, a screen ban for students doesn’t mean all screens are gone.

    One Friday in March, third-grade teacher Hanna Brechenser presented images on the Smartboard — the modern-day version of a projector — of Indigenous communities to help foster a classroom conversation. Teachers also still have desktop computers.

    This is Brechenser’s fifth year teaching and her second in Mesick. She said she had already tried to limit screentime in the classroom before the ban. Her class mostly used their Chromebooks a few times a week for a math fluency exercise and digital library access.

    Both Kastl and Ledford believe teachers may not have been aware of just how much of a crutch screens were in some classes.

    Mesick went 1:1 with students and devices around 2015, Ledford said, when schools were under pressure by tech evangelists and politicians to add more technology so students would be prepared for jobs in the digital world. That was the argument at the time, anyway.

    “I had started in my walkthroughs just noting, what are the students doing?” Kastl said. “More often than not, I was coming back with a list of students on devices. So the perception of how your day actually looks versus what we were seeing on the data piece are probably disjointed.”

    Mesick’s new policy has been helpful for Brechenser because she doesn’t have to police students so much on their devices.

    Brechenser’s students have physical books from the “Diary of a Wimpy Kid” series, “Twilight,” and “The Baby-sitter’s Club” stacked on their desks. That’s the other side of Mesick’s new screen ban: The district has set aside $30,000 for physical books to bulk up classroom libraries, along with beanbag chairs so students will have special spaces to read.

    Students adjusted quickly, Brechenser said. “At first, they were kind of shocked, but we just have a lot more silent reading time.”

    Still, it’s hard to miss signs of the amount of time students spend on screens outside of school: A “K-Pop Demon Hunters” water bottle. A Sonic the Hedgehog T-shirt. The image of a snake Brechenser put on the Smartboard prompted one student, Alaric, to say it reminded him of one in a “Harry Potter” movie he watched before school.

    Alaric, who’s 9, said he doesn’t really miss his Chromebook, though he’d been reading something on the online library he can no longer access thanks to the screen ban.

    He gets plenty of screen time at home playing Xbox, he said. He hasn’t thought about cutting down on that.

    “Because I love Fortnite,” he giggled.

    In reading instruction, students get a digital detox

    Where Mesick’s screen-free initiative feels most significant is in the 30-minute small group sessions for Jewett’s struggling readers.

    Mesick uses Read Naturally, an intervention program designed to build fluency. Before the screen ban, students would read a short passage aloud from a computer, then listen through bulky headphones as the software read the passage back to them. Students would then read the passage to themselves three times before reading it aloud again. Paraprofessionals would go from student to student to assist.

    Now, Sharon Brown and other literacy aides sit with their students and work through printed reading passages together. Brown can more easily point out when students stop tracking words with their fingers. She can help sound out words. Though she closely helped students on the computers, she finds herself more thrilled to engage this way, to see progress up close. This is why she is in education.

    “It’s our passion to sit and watch these kids go from struggling readers to eventually testing out … and not having to come back and see us,” she said.

    With one second grader, she has an engaging conversation about the reading’s topic, mammals, before they begin. He asks if a shark is a mammal and if it evolved from dinosaurs.

    Brown can see improvements, particularly with some of her first graders. Students are reading more words per minute, based on data they track every session.

    “They are so engaged,” she said. “It’s been amazing to us that we’re going, ‘Wow, this has actually been so fun.’”

    The way students use technology is an important consideration when thinking about limiting or banning screens, said Dr. Joanna Parga-Belinkie, a pediatrician and a spokesperson for the American Academy of Pediatrics.

    Educators and parents should focus on using technology in ways that are interactive and in group settings, instead of having students looking at screens on their own.

    “When you are focusing on screens and technology and the use of them you might be not focusing on human relationships,” she said.

    Samantha Daniels, the mother of three children in the district, said that last school year, some of the software the district used would offer students games if they read enough.

    She’d watch her son, a first grader, try to rush through the reading to get to the game. He struggled a lot with reading, becoming easily frustrated like many young readers.

    “It would be about getting to that, versus us enjoying what we’re reading and what we’re learning,” she said.

    But now, he’s starting to pick up books on his own.

    There are some difficult practical adjustments to a midyear change as big as this one. A lot of classroom resources are based online or have some kind of online component. Kastl asked teachers to stop using those components.

    Ultimately, every hour of screen time represented “an hour that we’ve lost direct teacher instruction where they’re actually getting that responsive feedback from a human,” Kastl said.

    “That’s when you move the needle.”

    Will eliminating screens help young readers?

    Ledford doesn’t think he’s taking a gamble by eliminating screens at the elementary school, even though students take state assessments on computers. He thinks it’s much easier to teach students technology skills than social skills.

    In fact, he already has plans to scale back technology use by older students, too.

    Ledford moved rapidly to ban screens, but he expects improvements in reading scores to happen more gradually. Still, he’s laser-focused on the connection between screens and literacy. To him, education should unlock the ability to read for students, because it affects everything else the district is trying to do for kids.

    “We’re failing in literacy,” Ledford said. “If we fail in literacy, how can we effectively teach science or social studies or any of the subjects?”

    Getting rid of screens will not solve all of Mesick’s problems, like a leaky roof or clapped-out HVAC system. Kastl has also observed a deeper potential issue: a drop-off in parent involvement after schools closed during the pandemic.

    In many cases, Kastl said, “Parents don’t know what actually happens inside their kids’ school building.”

    But parents know about the screen ban, and they’re excited about it. They’ve said they’ve noticed their children take more interest in reading.

    Kids are also socializing more during free periods, a bright spot for the principal’s son, Sam Kastl.

    Sam, 11, used to spend indoor recess — a regular occurrence in northern Michigan’s severe winters — playing games on his Chromebook. He thought the screen ban was “going to be annoying.” Classmates who used to ask him if his mom would declare a snow day started asking him to convince her to bring back devices.

    But those requests went away pretty quickly. Students now play board games together instead of games on their Chromebooks alone — just like how reading intervention students now study in a group instead of solo. Another student taught Sam how to draw. Everyone’s adjusted pretty well, from his vantage point.

    On the day Chalkbeat visited their school, Sam and his fifth-grade classmates built a fort out of blankets during class time. Then they climbed inside to read with flashlights.

    This story was produced by Chalkbeat and reviewed and distributed by Stacker.

  • Americans care more about future generations than many think – and that gap could matter for policy
    Photo credit: Andriy Onufriyenko/Moment via Getty ImagesDecisions made now can affect people far into the future.

    Caring about future generations means believing that people who will live decades or centuries from now deserve ethical consideration. In practice, that means taking their interests into account when making all kinds of decisions across a range of issues – from aggressively cutting carbon emissions to investing in pandemic preparedness initiatives and regulating powerful emerging technologies, such as artificial intelligence.

    While it may sound like a niche moral view to care about future generations in this way, our new research, published in the academic journal Futures, suggests otherwise. In fact, Americans appear to care substantially about future generations. Nevertheless, they also systematically underestimate how much other Americans care.

    To study this, we conducted two online surveys of U.S. adults, totaling 1,000 respondents. The samples were built to roughly match the U.S. population in age, gender, race or ethnicity, and political affiliation. In one survey, people told us their own views about future generations. In the other, a different group told us what they thought the average American believes.

    We examined this in three ways. First, we asked how many future generations people think society should keep in mind when making collective decisions. For example, when setting climate targets or designing pandemic response systems, how many future generations should count as stakeholders in that decision? Second, we asked how many future generations elected officials should keep in mind when making decisions about laws and public policy. Third, we asked how far into the future people still deserve “moral concern.”

    For the third question, participants were shown a list of the present generation and the next 50 generations, with each generation defined as a 25-year period. They then indicated how many of those generations still belonged inside their “moral circle.” In plain terms: If someone will live 100, 200, or even 1,000 years from now, does their suffering matter – and do we have some responsibility to help make their lives go better?

    Americans worry about people many generations from now

    We found that Americans, on average, extended at least some moral concern about 28 generations into the future, or roughly 700 years. But there was a mismatch about when other people’s concern faded – respondents guessed that it happened around 21 generations out, about 175 years sooner.

    A similar pattern appeared on the policy questions. Americans said society and government should take into account people living roughly 16 to 17 generations ahead, respectively – around 400 to 425 years into the future. But they assumed other Americans would endorse a shorter horizon of only about 13 generations, or roughly 325 years. In other words, Americans are more future-oriented than they think their fellow citizens are.

    Americans' concerns extend centuries into the future

    Why it matters

    Public support for long-term policies depends partly on what people think other people value. Research on climate policy, for example, shows that Americans often underestimate how much support already exists for major mitigation measures. When people wrongly think their view is unusual, they can become less likely to speak up, join with others or pressure leaders to act.

    Our findings suggest a similar dynamic may shape support for future-oriented policies more broadly. For issues such as pandemic preparedness, nuclear risk and emerging technologies, decisions made now can affect people far into the future.

    It’s possible that a person might support stronger emissions cuts, better disease-prevention systems or safeguards on high-risk technologies, but stay quiet if they assume most other Americans do not care about those kinds of long-term consequences.

    What’s next

    Several hands holding up a globe which appears to be made from blue and green fabric.
    Research shows Americans underestimate support for major climate change mitigation measures. Alistair Berg/DigitalVision via Getty Images

    For climate change, misperceptions are partly driven by partisan polarization, visible disagreement among leaders and vocal opposition from skeptics. Together, they can make public support appear weaker than it is.

    Concern for future generations, by contrast, is much less overtly politicized – meaning it does not divide along party lines the way climate policy does. Most Americans, regardless of political affiliation, say they care about people living centuries from now. Yet this concern is rarely voiced in everyday conversation, in media coverage or in political debate.

    Future research needs to examine why concern for future generations isn’t more visible in public life, such as in the media or voiced in everyday conversations. As a result, people might assume that others do not care as much as they actually do.

    The Research Brief is a short take on interesting academic work.

    This article originally appeared on The Conversation. You can read it here.

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